Oagal has compared key criteria for systems of popular sovereignty in collaboration with ChatGPT.
| Criterion | Norway | Sweden | Switzerland | USA | England |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Personal voting | ❌ | 🟢 | 🟢 | 🟢 | 🔵 |
| Open party lists | ❌ | 🟢 | 🟢 | ❌ | 🔵 |
| Citizen-initiated referendums | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ | ❌ |
| Binding referendums | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ | ❌ |
| Direct election of the executive leader | ❌ | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ |
| Dissolution of parliament (legislative branch) | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 |
| Dissolution of parliament (executive branch) | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ | 🟢 |
| Judicial constitutional review | 🔵 | 🔵 | 🟢 | 🟢 | 🟢 |
| Strong separation of powers (legislative / executive) | ❌ | 🔵 | 🟢 | 🟢 | 🔵 |
| Citizen proposals for consideration | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ | ❌ |
| Binding citizen proposals | ❌ | ❌ | 🟢 | ❌ | ❌ |
| Strong position of power (judiciary) | ❌ | ❌ | 🔵 | 🟢 | 🔵 |
| Foreign influence | ❌ | 🔵 | 🟢 | 🟢 | 🔵 |
| Strong impeachment mechanism | 🔵 | ❌ | 🔵 | 🟢 | 🔵 |
Norwegian popular sovereignty, rooted in parliamentarism, is built on party dominance. Members of the Storting are elected from closed party lists, where voters have no opportunity to influence who actually represents them in parliament. This stands in sharp contrast to the United States, where voters directly elect senators and representatives and—through electors—the president.
Switzerland adds yet another dimension of popular control through citizen-initiated referendums and binding mechanisms for direct democracy. In Norway, such processes are absent at the national level, creating the impression that the Norwegian model is more top-heavy than many assume.
Read more: Switzerland has cross-party consensus governance
Power in Norway is formally divided among three branches, but the role of the judiciary is far weaker than in many other countries. In the United States, for example, the Supreme Court plays a central role in interpreting the Constitution and blocking legislation that violates it. In Norway, such constitutional assessments are rare and largely absent from public debate. The judiciary mainly functions as a legal instance, without the same political weight found in systems with a stronger balance of power.
Read also: Differences between parliamentary and republican democracies
Another aspect is the perception of economic influence on politics. Norwegians are often skeptical of the American system, where election campaigns can require vast financial resources. Yet in Norway, economic actors—such as trade unions, business interests, and civil society organizations—also influence political decisions. This influence occurs on a smaller scale, even when adjusted for the fact that the population of the United States is roughly sixty times larger. In any case, the Norwegian model cannot be regarded as entirely free from economic influence, and the differences may be smaller than many prefer to believe.
A significant cultural difference between Norway and the United States lies in how elections are perceived. While Norwegian elections are shaped by party structures and a certain sobriety, American elections are arenas for individual candidates and extensive public debate. For many Norwegians, the American election spectacle may seem foreign and overly theatrical, yet it gives voters greater influence over which individuals actually govern the country. In Norway, voters have no such direct influence over the national assembly, as party organizations determine who gains seats in the Storting.
The abolition of the Lagting has resulted in a weaker system of impeachment in Norway. Today, the Court of Impeachment exists as a special court.
Through the EEA Agreement, Norway is legally obliged to implement EU laws and regulations without having voting rights in EU institutions. This means that Norway is bound by decisions made outside its borders, often without real influence. Although Norway formally has the option to reserve itself against directives (the veto right), this is used very rarely, reinforcing the perception of reduced sovereignty. This represents a weakness in democratic control, as large parts of the legal framework are determined by an external power.
Read more: A critical look at the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) democracy index
In light of this, it is natural to ask what it really means that Norway ranks highly on democracy indices such as that of the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). Does this recognition validate a reality that does not exist, allowing some to bask in the glow of top rankings while failing to initiate necessary change? Can we truly claim that Norway is a role model when several fundamental features of popular sovereignty are missing?
The Norwegian system may provide stability, but perhaps at the expense of genuine popular sovereignty in which citizens have a clear voice in decision-making processes. Compared with countries such as the United States, Switzerland, and others with strong mechanisms for popular participation, Norway appears less dynamic and less representative. Perhaps it is time to reconsider what we mean by democracy—and what we can learn from others.
Read also: The UN Secretary-General calls for active and meaningful democratic participation
Is the University of Southern Norway really on track when it hosts a meeting on democracy in crisis, illustrated with “the Hill” in Washington, D.C.?
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